EAST EUROPEAN HISTORICAL BULLETIN

NORTH MOLDAVIAN VOLOSTS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR THE PRINCE’S THRONE AT THE END OF THE 1530s – THE BEGINNING OF THE 1570s

Oleksii BALUKH — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the research is to highlight the military and political situation of the northern territories of Moldavia (Chernivtsi and Khotyn Volosts) during the struggle for the prince’s throne in the late 1530s – early 1570s, based on the analysis of sources and monographic literature. The research methodology is based on the principles of a concrete historical approach – historicism, objectivity, comprehensiveness, integrity and systematicity, as well as on the methods of analysis and synthesis, historical and comparative, problem-chronological methods. The scientific novelty consists in a comprehensive study of the course and consequences of the armed struggle of various claimants to the Moldavian prince’s throne, which affected the territories of Chernivtsi and Khotyn Volosts of Moldavia, which has been carried out in Ukrainian historiography for the first time, and a new periodization of military and political processes on the territory of Bukovyna in 1538 – 1572 has been introduced. The Conclusions. In the first third of the 16th century, relations between Turkey and Poland in Central-Eastern Europe normalized. As a result, since 1538 Moldavia had fallen into a vassal dependency of Porta. However, the Polish kings tried to keep Moldavia in their sphere of influence, supporting their proteges on the Moldavian throne and using anti-Turkish sentiments in the state. The territory of Chernivtsi and Khotyn Volosts found itself in the vortex of this struggle, as it was located on the Polish-Moldavian border and was the first on the way to the capital Suceava. The Poles, the Cossacks, foreign mercenaries, on one hand, and Turkish-Tatar troops, on the other, inflicted significant damage, destruction and robbery on these lands from time to time. The Khotyn fortress again began to play an important strategic role as an outpost on the Polish-Moldavian border. Therefore, at that time the Northern Moldavian (Bukovynian) lands became the arena of struggle between claimants to the prince’s throne from both the Ottoman Empire and the Commonwealth of Nations, since both countries during the years of 1538 – 1572 sought to extend their power to Moldavia, and later to the territory of Chernivtsi and Khotyn Volosts.

THE T. SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY AND ITS SERIAL PUBLICATIONS IN THE RECEPTION OF THE CZECH SCIENTIFIC PRESS IN 1896 – 1918

Vasyl GABOR, Lyudmila BELINSKA — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the study is to analyse the corpus of publications by the Czech scholars about achievements of the T. Shevchenko Scientific Society, its serial editions and studies of the Ukrainian scholars, published on the pages of the Czech scientific press in 1896 – 1918, i.e before Galicia was part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The Scientific Novelty: for the first time, the evaluation of activities of the T. Shevchenko Scientific Society by the famous Czech scholars (Jiří Polívka, Jiří Horák, Josef Páta and František Vladimír Vykoukal) has been understood; its serial publications and studies of the Ukrainian scholars (Mykhailo Drahomanov, Ivan Franko, Volodymyr Hnatiuk, Zenon Kuzeli) in the context of the then European historical and ethnographic research. The research methodology is based on a combination of historical, biographical, comparative methods, as well as content analysis and critical analysis of the text. The Conclusions. Based on the twenty publications on the pages of the Czech scientific journals “Národopisný Věstník Českoslovanský”, “Národopisný Sborník Českoslovanský” and “Český Časopis Historický”, it has been determined that the activities of the T. Shevchenko Scientific Society, a number of its serial publications (“Notes of the T. Shevchenko Scientific Society”, “Ethnographic Collection”, “Collection of Philological Section” and “Materials on Ukrainian-Ruthenian Ethnology”) and studies of the Ukrainian scholars were in the focus of famous Czech scholars and received justified high evaluation. The Czech reviewers analysed the works of Ukrainian scholars objectively in the context of the then European historical science and ethnography, noted their high scientific level, and often considered them the best in their fields and a worthy example for other nations to follow, but at the same time pointed out certain shortcomings.

RIGHTS AND PERSPECTIVES OF CZECHS IN UKRAINE DURING THE UKRAINIAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE (1917–1921)

Oleksandr POHULIAIEV — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the research is the need to carry out a thorough analysis on the legal status of the Czech ethnic minority in Ukraine and the Czech military during the Ukrainian War of Independence and its impact on their public, socio-economic and cultural educational life. The research methodology is based on the following principles: objectivity, historicism, consistency, problematic. There have been applied the methods of analysis and synthesis, problem chronological, comparative. The scientific novelty consists in the study and comparison of the legal position of the Czechs in Ukraine on the eve and during the Ukrainian War of Independence of 1917 – 1921. Due to the introduction of archival materials into scientific circulation, it was possible to find out the impact of the frequent change of governments in Ukraine on the situation of the Czech minority. The Conclusions. At the end of World War I, the Czech element in Ukraine has been very significant. The Czechs received equal rights along with other ethnic groups of Ukraine due to the revolution, which broke out in 1917. However, there were not established any political parties by them. The Czech minority received legal protection and the right to develop its own cultural heritage, despite the Ukrainization, which was initiated by the Ukrainian Central Council (UCC). The importance of the law “On National Personal Autonomy” from a legal and social standpoint cannot be overstated. This law guaranteed the Czechs of Ukraine such prospects that their compatriots in Austria-Hungary did not have. Significant financial support was provided by P. Skoropadskyi’s Hetmanate to the fields of education and culture. The restoration of the laws of the UCC by the Directorate of the Ukrainian People’s Republic could have contributed to the further favourable position of the Czechs, but the gradual loss of Ukrainian statehood did not allow the ideals of the Ukrainian Revolution regarding freedom and equality of all peoples and the norms of the law “On National Personal Autonomy” to be implemented. In 1920 – 1921 the position of the Czechs in Ukraine was under difficult conditions. Due to the lack of legal guarantees, social protection and the policy of war communism implemented by the Soviet government, the majority of the Czech population of Ukraine left its territory.

SECRET PROGOVERNMENT ORGANIZATIONS FORMATION IN THE UKRAINIAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC, APRIL OF 1918

Borys MALYNOVSKY — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the research is to find out how the network of secret armed cells was formed, designed to protect the government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UPR) from the attempts to overthrow it (April of 1918). The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, systematicity, verification, general scientific and special scientific methods (historical genetic, etc.). The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that the issue on the formation of underground military organizations network by the officials of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in the spring of 1918 has been analysed in historical science for the first time.

The Conclusions. The position of the leadership of the Ukrainian People’s Republic deteriorated rapidly in March – April of 1918. The government’s authority was falling apart, the political opponents were preparing to overthrow it by force. Taking into account the above-mentioned conditions, the formation of secret armed organizations network began on the initiative of numerous prominent figures of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (the leaders of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Labour Party and the Ukrainian Socialist Revolutionary Party), aimed at protecting the state leadership from rebellions and conspiracies. There were established Ukraine Salvation Committee in Kyiv and the Committee of the “Moloda Ukrayina” (Young Ukraine) society in Zvenyhorod poviat, as part of the network. The civil servants of the Ukrainian People’s Republic were responsible for the formation of secret command centres, equipping and arming underground armed cells. The members of the Council of People’s Ministers of the Ukrainian People’s Republic were the part of Ukraine Salvation Committee. The members of the fighting underground, along with the military units of the UPR, were to prevent or suppress the anti-government demonstrations or, if this failed and the government was overthrown, to launch an insurgent movement, aimed at returning this government to power. The plan of action would be the following: the government troops and secret armed forces would be the first to act, and the broad masses of people would join them. In addition, according to the plan, probable leaders were to be detained and imprisoned in order to prevent the anti-government uprisings. The civil servants of the Ukrainian People’s Republic and the activists of the ruling parties, initiated into this secret plan, were sure that they did the right thing. According to their conviction, the Ukrainian people supported the policy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic leadership fully and should have come to its defense certainly.

DAILY LIFE OF THE UKRAINIAN PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC ARMY SERVICEMEN AT INTERNED CAMPS ON THE TERRITORY OF POLAND (1920 – 1924)

Viktor HOLUBKO — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The Purpose of the Study. In every large-scale armed conflict there is capture of prisoners by opposing sides or their internment at specially established camps. Obviously, there is some difference between prisoners and internees. It consists in their different status, which entails not only legal consequences, but also everyday living conditions. Captivity means a severe restriction of a serviceman's personal freedom by an enemy state in order to deprive him of the opportunity to continue the struggle. Internment is carried out by a state that does not take a direct part in an armed conflict between warring parties. It provides for better conditions of servicemen's detention at specially established internment camps, although they are often far from those that could satisfy servicemen's daily life needs. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to highlight an everyday life of interned soldiers of the Ukrainian People's Republic Army, which at the end of autumn of 1920, after the defeat of the UPR in the war with Soviet Russia, retreated to the territory of the Republic of Poland. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity in analysis of the past, a critical approach to available sources, studies of participants and eyewitnesses. The author has used problem-chronological, logical, deductive and inductive methods. The scientific novelty of the article consists in the fact that at the beginning of the 1920s the issue of functioning of the interned servicemen camps of the UPR Army on the territory of the Polish Republic, although occupied a very important place in the activities of the UPR government-in-exile, its relations with the Polish authorities, however, concerned military political aspects mainly. It was about the prospects of using the camps to preserve the Army structure and continue the fight against the Russian occupiers of Ukraine. Instead, a daily life of the camp residents was highlighted mainly against a background of the military and political activities of the UPR government-in-exile. Meanwhile, actual living conditions and everyday life of the internees significantly influenced realization of the goals set by the government, because it was about mobilizing human resources that remained at its disposal. The Conclusions. The status of the interned UPR Army as the Army of the allied state granted certain privileges to the Ukrainian military, which made better their moral condition after the retreat from Ukraine, and also contributed to the establishment of public, cultural and educational activities at the camps. However, due to a difficult financial situation of the UPR government-in-exile, as well as limited financial capabilities of Poland, it was often impossible to provide daily household needs of the internees at a minimal level at least. As a result, this situation caused the effect of worsening not only the life of camp residents, but also their physical moral and psychological exhaustion, which prompted the Polish authorities, and subsequently the Ukrainian government-in-exile, to agree to their final disbandment in 1924.

THE SLOVAK LEAGUE AND NATIONAL ISSUE: THE RUTHENIAN DISCOURSE (1934 – 1938)

Igor TSEPENDA , Petro KOSTYUCHOK — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the research is to analyse the peculiarities of the attitude of the Slovak League to the Ukrainian (Ruthenian, Rusyn) issue in 1934 – 1938. The research methodology is based on the use of general scientific methods (induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis). The scientific novelty consists in the fact that the Ruthenian issue on the activities of the Slovak League has been analysed by the authors on the basis of the unpublished archival documents. The Conclusions. The Ruthenian issue has been relevant both for Subcarpathian Rus and Slovakia, and especially for its eastern part. The Ruthenian political life activation has been extremely negatively recepted by the Slovaks in the mid-1930s. In Eastern Slovakia, the local administrations have been headed by people from the nationalist circles of the Slovak political elite, so naturally they have resorted to administrative abuses, the purpose of which was to “facilitate” the Slovakization of the Ruthenian population of the region in various ways. The official authorities representatives have interacted with the relevant unions and societies closely, which have tried to implement their ideas in practice. The Slovak League activity regarding resolving the Ruthenian issue has been a vivid example of such interaction. The impetus for this activity of the Slovak League has been the demands of the Ruthenians to replace the Slovak language in some Eastern Slovak schools with the Ruthenian and at the same time ensure that it is taught by the Ruthenian teachers. It has been determined that in connection with the intensification of a socio-political life of the Ruthenians in Eastern Slovakia and their defense of their own national rights, the Slovak authorities observed the Ruthenian issue with its subsequent resolution. In this context, the Slovak League took some practical steps in solving it. In 1934 – 1938, the Ruthenian issue was considered by the Slovak League at Congresses and meetings. There were diverse options for solving the Ruthenian issue on the part of the Slovak League, which led to the implementation of its ideas by the Slovak authorities, in particular, strengthening of total Slovakization in the educational network, banning of the Ruthenian societies and unions, persecution of the Ruthenian figures and even Slovakization of a religious sphere.

KHRUSHCHEV'S “DE-STALINIZATION” IN ROBERT CONQUEST'S INTERPRETATION

Viktor DANYLENKO, Serhii BORZOV — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the article is to clarify the scientific and historical interpretation of M. Khrushchev's “de-Stalinization” by the American scholar Robert Conquest. The methodology is based on an interdisciplinary combination of historical and historiographical approaches. Chronological, comparative historical, linguistic textological analysis of social events and phenomena are core components. The scientific novelty is caused by the lack of articles and monographs on the historiographical contribution of R. Conquest to the coverage of the so-called “Khrushchev thaw”. For the first time, the terminology that the scholar used to reveal the political and ideological components of the process of “de-Stalinization” during the years of “Khrushchev's rule” was elucidated. His author's interpretation of concepts and phenomena appears, the difference between them in the context of the era itself. The Conclusions. R. Conquest does not idealize the historical figure of M. Khrushchev and his political activity, it emphasizes his “uncompromising extremism” in the implementation of the USSR foreign policy doctrine. R. Conquest believed that Khrushchev's “anti-Stalinism” had political gains in the struggle for one-man leadership. Criticism of Stalin's “personality cult”, the beginning of rehabilitation, recognition of the fact of mass terror – had a positive impact on the society. The concepts and phenomena of “thaw” and relative “liberalization” made sense when compared to the terrible consequences of Stalin's political terror. The scholar notes that the “young Stalinist” Khrushchev debunked the “cult of personality”, but avoided reforming the authoritarian political system. In 1953 – 1963, the political struggle for power in the Kremlin continued, and the tactics chosen by M. Khrushchev proved to be the most effective. He chose moderate criticism of Stalinism as the main factor in overcoming the resistance of fanatical Stalinists. Rehabilitation freed political prisoners from the camps, and also deterred direct participants in the repressions from attacks. Under such circumstances, it was “illogical and partial”, and “liberalization” turned out to be managed and controlled by M. Khrushchev.

PRIVATIZATION IN UKRAINE (1991 – 2004): FEATURES AND RESULTS

Vitalii KOTSUR , Yurii VOITENKO — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the research is to determine the features and results of privatization in Ukraine during the first decade of independence. The research methodology involves using various tools to achieve the purpose. The use of comparative time (vertical section) research made it possible to identify the peculiarities of privatization at each of its stages. The principle of dynamics contributed to the identification of changes in quantitative and qualitative parameters in the process of privatization during each historical period. The scientific novelty consists in the fact that for the first time in the scientific discourse, the privatization process with its features and results in Ukraine during the decade of independence is defined, taking into account the political component of the corresponding stage of state formation. The Conclusions. During the first period (1992 – 1994) the process of privatization was rather complicated and controversial, which reflected the indecision of the political elite and the president himself to act in the direction of such changes. Although privatization began in 1992, the authorities have not yet decided how massive it should become on a national scale. Therefore, during this period, it was allowed to rent state-owned enterprises and carry out their activities there, primarily by the former management and their labour teams. After the change of power in 1994, the new president and his government began to implement mass privatization for the entire people by providing them with certificates (vouchers) actively. During the second term of office, especially during the period of 2000 – 2004, the president facilitated the privatization of large strategic state-owned enterprises by the young bourgeoisie, mainly those that were particularly close to him. In this way, the formation and final crystallization of financial and industrial circles in Ukraine took place, which later exerted a significant influence on political and economic processes in the state.

THE FIGHT AGAINST ORGANIZED CRIME IN POST-SOVIET UKRAINE: REGULATORY FRAMEWORK, HISTORY, RESULTS (the 1990s)

Vasyl MALIYK , Lilia SKORYCH — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the article is to study the concept and manifestation of organized crime in Ukraine in the 1990s. The Research Methodology. General scientific and special methods have been applied, in particular owing to the historical legal method, the conceptual basis of “organized crime” has been elucidated, its historiographical characteristics have been presented, legislation has been analysed; applied systemic structural and formal logical methods made it possible to analyse the socio-political prerequisites that influenced emergence and actualization of organized crime during the 1990s, and also identified the peculiarities of organized criminal groups. The Scientific Novelty. Organized crime is one of the most dangerous illegal acts. Understanding the peculiarities of Ukrainian organized crime in a broader theoretical context is important for the development of qualitative criminological science. Therefore, under the conditions of Russia's war against Ukraine, the level of crime is increasing, and therefore a theoretical and practical retrospective study of organized crime during the 1990s is important.

The Conclusions. On the basis of materials systematization of Ukrainian and foreign historiography, a normative and legal framework of Ukraine, a comprehensive description of the process of combating organized crime in the 1990s has been presented. The concept of organized crime, transnational organized crime has been conceptualized. Organized crime and corruption were among the most threatening problems for the Ukrainian statehood in the 1990s. After all, after gaining independence, Ukraine was at the transitional stage of establishing the institutions of a democratic system. It has been determined that the post-Soviet organization in Ukraine is a continuation of the Soviet system, however, the Ukrainian crime is characterized by the primacy of a certain organization in a specific territory. Analyzing the legal acts of the 1990s, we can conclude that the activities of special police units in the fight against organized crime were regulated by a large number of legal acts, but specific law-making activities required a more systematic approach.

SOUTHEAST ANATOLIA PROJECT (GÜNEYDOĞU ANADOLU PROJESI) AND ITS IMPACT ON INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE MESOPOTAMIA REGION (the end of the 20th – the beginning of THE 21st century)

Oksana MEMISH, Maryna ZAKHARCHENKO — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The article focuses on clarification of the main reasons for the formation and development of the Turkish-Syrian-Iraqi contradictions regarding the joint use of the rivers of Mesopotamia. The degree of effectiveness of the agreements concluded during the period of the 1940s – the 2010s and other interstate normative legal acts related to the use of the waters of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers have been elucidated. The purpose of our research is to analyse the results of Turkey's implementation of the Southeast Anatolia Project (GAP) – a multi-sectoral integrated regional development project based on the concept of a sustainable development of the south-eastern region of Turkey, the main component of which was aimed at expanding the opportunities and scale of economic use of water resources. Its consequences for water supply and water use in the Tigris and Euphrates river basins have been clarified. An attempt is made to explain the role of GAP in the “water conflict” between Turkey, Iraq and Syria. The scientific novelty of the study consists in the following: based on the processing of documentary sources, statistical materials, numerous analytical publications, both national and provincial, as well as relying on the authors' own field research, there has been maked one of the first attempts in Ukrainian historiography to show the depth and magnitude of the GAP's impact on interstate relations in the Mesopotamia region. The methodological basis of the research is the principles of historicism, scientificity, interdisciplinarity, a value approach and the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis and generalization) methods.

As a result of the scientific analysis carried out with the involvement of numerous original sources, the following conclusions have been made: GAP is one of the largest regional development projects ever implemented in the Middle East and one of the nine largest engineering projects in the world nowadays. During the period of the 1990s – the 2010s, the GAP completely transformed the region of Southeast Anatolia, reducing the disparity between regions and creating favourable conditions for socio-economic development. On the other hand, the GAP has caused great alarm in Syria and Iraq, since its launch at full capacity will deprive Syria of 50% and Iraq of 90% of their water flow from the Euphrates, so the authors note that in order to prevent new conflicts, Turkey, Syria and Iraq should develop and actually implement a compromise long-term strategic plan for the management and exploitation of water resources.

FORMATION PECULIARITIES OF THE RUSSIAN POLITICAL RADICALISM (2012 – 2024)

Wiktor WERNER, Liudmyla VOVCHUK, Antoni DIERIABIN — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the research is to identify the peculiarities of the Russian political radicalism through the prism of its affiliation and formation under the presidency of Vladimir Putin (2012 – 2024). The methodology of the research is based on an integrated approach, as well as the use of a special computer method of complex analysis (CNA), as well as special historical methods (historical typological and historical systemic), with the help of which the authors managed to elucidate the peculiarities of the Russian political radicalism formation during the specified period. The scientific novelty consists in the identification of the ideological component of the Russian political radicalism through the use of an innovative computer methodology. The Conclusions. The Russian political radicalism is a multi-layered phenomenon that has been shaped by historical, social, economic and political factors. During the period of 2012 – 2024, V. Putin's ideological discourse has been undergoing a “conservative turn”, defined as “Russia's special path”. The results of the study have shown that this ideology during this period is not an exclusively internal phenomenon of this country. The Russian right-wing radicalism has been formed not simply by borrowing ideas from the West, but on the basis of the existing connection between Russia and Western countries. The connection could be traced not only by means of organisations that had influence but also due to the influence of thinkers, theorists, ideologues, and adherents of various movements of the extreme right-wing radicalism and religious political radicalism. The most influential have been a group of extreme right-wing thinkers among them. It should be noted that Oleksandr Duhin and Russian billionaire Konstantyn Malofieiev have been among the active promoters of Western ideas of the right-wing radicalism in Russia. Therefore, the myth should be debunked regarding the statement of the Russian government and the Russian elite that the Russian right-wing radicalism has been exclusively Russian. In this case, it is more decent to appeal to the claim made by Putin and some Western representatives of the far right that Russia is the West – but the West that they believe has been lost due to the overwhelming influence of the liberal and leftist values. Putin's ideology (2012 – 2024) has been a distorted, Russianised model of political radicalism based on a combination of authoritarianism, patriotism, anti-Western sentiment, conservatism, state capitalism and military force. This ideology has allowed V. Putin and his entourage to ensure control over the country and pursue an aggressive foreign policy, posing a serious threat to the integrity of the international relations system. A striking example is the Russo-Ukrainian War, which broke out in 2014 and continues to this day. This war has posed a serious threat to the collapse of the European project and the emergence of the Kremlin’s Eurasian anti-liberal project in its place.

Funding. The work was supported by the National Science Centre (Poland) under the research project “Historical Narratives in Web 2.0 as a Functional Element of National Identities in Central and Eastern Europe”, № UMO-2020/39/B/HS3/01237.

NATIONAL POLICE OF UKRAINE ACTIVITIES UNDER THE CONDITIONS OF THE RUSSO-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014 – 2024): ORGANIZATIONAL CHANGES, SECURITY CHALLENGES AND TASKS

Ivan VYHIVSKYI, Andrii TREMBETSKY — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the research is to analyse the National Police of Ukraine activity as one of the key bodies of the law enforcement system. The methodology of the research is based on the modern general and special methods of knowledge, in particular, the historical legal method allowed to analyse the key areas of activity of law enforcement agencies in Ukraine, the comparative legal method has been used to study the legislation of Ukraine. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that the normative and legal acts have been systematized and analysed, changes in the activities of law enforcement agencies have been outlined, their involvement in the administrative procedures of accompanying military operations under the conditions of the Anti-terrorist operation, the Operation of the Combined Joint Forces and under the conditions of the legal regime of the Martial Law, brought in after the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation to Ukraine. The key areas of law enforcement of the National Police of Ukraine activities under the Martial Law conditions have also been elucidated comprehensively. The Conclusions. It has been determined that the National Police activities are aimed at fulfilling the powers related to law enforcement and preventing and solving the issues on the military threats under the conditions of the legal regime of the Martial Law. It includes, in particular ensuring law and order and public safety, countering crimes against the national security of Ukraine, and preventive activities regarding crimes against the legal regime of the Martial Law. Having analysed the current innovations, which came into effect when the armed invasion was launched in 2014 and from the beginning of the full-scale invasion in 2022, it was stated that the National Police of Ukraine was entrusted with a number of new powers. The majority of the above-mentioned functional changes were implemented after 2022, in particular, in accordance with the Law “On Amendments to the Laws of Ukraine “On the National Police”, “On the Disciplinary Statute of the National Police of Ukraine” aimed at optimizing police activities, including during the Martial Law of March 15, 2022.

TRADITIONALIST BRACES OF THE IMPERIAL SPACE: “HISTORICAL RUSSIAˮ AS A VARIETY OF EURASIAN COLONIALISM

Iryna VERKHOVTSEVA, Oleh KONDRATENKO — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the research is to prove the unscientific nature of the thesis of “historical Russia” within the borders of the Russian Empire as a means of actualizing the colonial nature and traditionalist essence of management policy in the Russian Empire in the second half of the 19th – the beginning of the 20th centuries, a component of which was the introduction of a rural self-government on a pan-imperial scale. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematicity, scientificity. The following methods have been used: general scientific (logic, analysis, synthesis, generalization, etc.) and special historical (synchronous, diachronic, structural-functional analysis). The scientific novelty consists in substantiating the colonial nature and traditionalist essence of the pan-imperial innovations in the management of the countryside in 1861 – 1917, the purpose of which was to unify the management of all regions incorporated into the Russian Empire as a result of the conquest of the Eurasian territories by the Romanovs and their predecessors – the homelands of the indigenous peoples of the continent. The Conclusion. In 1861 – 1917 in the Russian Empire, which in the “long” 19th century increased significantly due to the conquests of the Romanovs and their predecessors on the Eurasian continent, the axis of administrative modernization became the unification of administrative space as a means of spreading a rural self-government on a pan-imperial scale based on the model of a public village management introduced in the European part of the country by the rural reform of 1861 – 1871. As a result of the reformation, the pan-imperial reform of a rural self-government was implemented in 1861 – 1917, which was based on the synthesis of the rural self-governing traditions of the aborigines with the corresponding practices of the russky mir (traditional communities of the Great Russian provinces). The migration of peasants from European regions contributed to the administrative invasion of local villages. By manipulating their interests, the policy of Orthodoxy and Russification of native inhabitants was carried out against the background of measures to increase the efficiency of taxation of autochthons, their performance of duties for the benefit of the empire, exploitation of local resources, promotion of the loyal attitude of the population to the authorities as a means of preserving local traditions. Such a pseudo-renewal of a village contradicted the goals of modernization, as it was based on the traditional practice of social self-regulation, the primacy of collectivism with a complete subjugation of the individual to the interests of the community. Therefore, the reform of 1861 ‒ 1917 became an attempt to unite the imperial space into a single whole with the help of traditionalist scraps and a manifestation of colonialist policy in regions with a non-Russian indigenous population. Evidence of the failure of this policy was the powerful anti-imperial demonstrations of the peasants at the beginning of the 20th century, which contributed to the country's disintegration and actualized the issue of traditional identity in its regions. In view of this, the thesis of “historical Russia” within the borders of the Russian Empire, which is currently widespread in journalism and political discourse of the russian federation, is inherently anti-scientific, and “historical Russia” is, in fact, a type of Eurasian colonialism.

POTENTIAL OF VIDEO TESTIMONIES FROM THE INSTITUTE FOR VISUAL HISTORY AND EDUCATION OF THE SHOAH FOUNDATION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA ON THE STUDY OF THE HOLOCAUST AT THE REICHSKOMMISSARIAT “UKRAINE”

Roman MYKHALCHUK, Roman SHLIAKHTYCH — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

The purpose of the article: on the basis of the analysis of more than 400 interviews from the collection of the Shoa Foundation, to identify and describe layers of information regarding implementation of the Holocaust policy on the territory of the Reichskommissariat “Ukraine” on the example of cases from “Volyn-Podillia” and “Dnipropetrovsk” general districts. The research methodology is based on the principle of historicism, methods of oral history, as well as general scientific methods of analysis, synthesis and generalization. The scientific novelty consists in the use of oral video testimonies to reveal various aspects of the Holocaust on the territory of the Reichskommissariat “Ukraine”. Based on the analysis of video evidence, it was possible to identify various layers of information that have an important potential for introduction into scientific circulation. For the first time in historiography, interviews about the Holocaust from the territories of Volyn-Podillia and Dnipropetrovsk general districts have been analysed for the purpose of comparison, which makes it possible to reveal the specifics and identify common and distinctive features of the Holocaust in these administrative entities. The Conclusion. Video evidence is important for the study of the Holocaust policy on the territory of Ukraine. The team of the Shoah Foundation processed a huge number of memories from almost all areas of Ukraine where genocide against the Jewish population took place. The collection of the Shoah Foundation mainly presents the testimonies of people who survived the years of the Holocaust, but there are also testimonies of eyewitnesses. All interviews are quite well structured, because three main blocks stand out: the interwar life of Jewish communities in Ukraine; the events of the period of the Nazi occupation and the postwar life of the Jews in the USSR. Under such conditions, after analysing almost 400 interviews, we identified the main layers of information from the first two blocks. Thus, from the evidence about the interwar period, you can learn about: material and household situation of their families at that time; leisure time, education, relationships with fellows; interethnic relations; important events experienced by their families at that time, etc. This information is important for understanding the reasons for the phenomena that occurred in Ukraine during the years of the Nazi occupation. For all interviews, information about the Nazi occupation of Ukraine is a basic part of these sources. Almost all witnesses recall the beginning of the Nazi occupation and the possibility or not of evacuation to the East. Later, the witnesses described the discrimination and humiliation of the Jews during the first days, weeks, and months of the Nazi occupation. An important part of the interviews with the Holocaust survivors was the story of mass killings of the Jews, as well as their survival strategies. In addition, in the memories of many people, there are stories about their stay in ghettos and forced labour camps. Therefore, video interviews from the collection of the Shoah Foundation often contain unique information about various aspects of the Holocaust in Ukraine. The introduction of these sources into scientific circulation deepens and concretizes the study of the genocide of the Jewish population, especially at the regional level.

A NEW RESEARCH ON ANIMAL SACRIFICE IN THE GRAECO-ROMAN WORLD (peer-review on the monograph: Rives, J. B. (2024). Animal Sacrifice in the Roman Empire (31 BCE-395 CE): Power, Communication, and Cultural Transformation. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2024. xvi+400. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197648919.001.0001)

Oleh PETRECHKO , Svitlana BILA — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

peer-review on the monograph: Rives, J. B. (2024). Animal Sacrifice in the Roman Empire (31 BCE-395 CE): Power, Communication, and Cultural Transformation. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2024. xvi+400. DOI: 10.1093/ oso/ 9780197648919.001.0001

POLISH PRISONS ON UKRAINIAN LANDS DURING THE INTERWAR PERIOD: A NEW STUDY (peer-review of the book: Razyhrayev O. V. The World behind Bars. Penitentiary System in Volyn and Galicia in 1918 – 1939: monograph. Drohobych: Kolo, 2023. 688 p.)

Halyna KEMIN, Oleg KEKOSH — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

peer-review of the book: Razyhrayev O. V. The World behind Bars. Penitentiary System in Volyn and Galicia in 1918 – 1939: monograph / Oleh Volodymyrovych Razyhraiev. Drohobych: Kolo, 2023. 688 p.

TRUTH IS WHAT SCIENCE EXISTS FOR (peer-review on the scientific publication: Path from Primitiveness to Civilization. Ukrainian Ethnogenesis in the Middle Ages / NAS of Ukraine, Institute of History of Ukraine. Kyiv: Akademperiodyka, 2023. 658 p., 136 p. ill. (Ukraine. Essays on History))

Vira KOTOVYCH , Petro MATSKIV — Fri, 27 Sep 2024 00:00:00 +0300

peer-review on the scientific publication: Path from Primitiveness to Civilization. Ukrainian Ethnogenesis in the Middle Ages / NAS of Ukraine, Institute of History of Ukraine. Kyiv: Akademperiodyka, 2023. 658 p., 136 p. ill. (Ukraine. Essays on History)