EAST EUROPEAN HISTORICAL BULLETIN http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/ <p><strong><em>«East European Historical Bulletin»</em></strong> is a Ukrainian peer-reviewed journal that publishes historical research. The journal was established in 2016 by Drohobych Ivan Franko State Pedagogical University.</p> <p><em>The aim of the journal</em> is to highlight the current problems of the history of Ukraine, world history, historiography, source studies, special historical disciplines, theory and methodology of historical science, archeology, ethnology, history of science and technology, to form a holistic view, first of all, of the history of Central and Eastern Europe and its place in of Ukraine, based on the involvement of a wide range of sources for the expansion of theoretical and methodological approaches to solving the problems of Eastern European history, understanding its complex and debatable issues.</p> <p><em>The mission of the journal</em> is to publish original articles and reviews on the history of Ukraine and Central and Eastern Europe, increase the level of research and create a platform for intellectual discussions on complex, problematic issues, the development of international cooperation.</p> <p><em>Readership</em><strong><em>. </em></strong>The journal is planned for scholars, science workers, teachers, post-graduates, students, and all aspiring to receive the thorough knowledge of theoretical and applied character</p> Дрогобицький державний педагогічний університет імені І.Франка en-US EAST EUROPEAN HISTORICAL BULLETIN 2519-058X A NEW INSCRIPTION FROM ULPIANA: TESTIMONY OF A DEDICATION OR A CIVIC ASSOCIATION http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346029 <p><em>This paper presents the interpretation of a previously unpublished epigraphic inscription discovered within the urban context of the ancient city of Ulpiana (Moesia Superior). The study aims to highlight the role of inscriptions not only in addressing archaeological questions but also in enhancing historical reconstructions related to Roman urbanism in Dardania.</em> <em><strong>The methodology of research</strong></em> <em>employs an interdisciplinary methodology that integrates archaeological evidence – namely material culture – with written sources. Comparative analysis has been essential, both in evaluating the stylistic and technical features of the inscription and in contextualizing its content </em><em>within broader epigraphic traditions. Analytical methods have further supported the effort to reach plausible interpretations.</em> <strong><em>The novelty of the study</em></strong><em> consists in the publication and interpretation of this inscription for the first time. The text offers new data on the onomastics and socio-cultural dynamics of Roman Ulpiana, contributing to a better understanding of the local population and their integration into Roman administrative and cultural frameworks. <strong>Conclusions</strong>. The inscription, a dedication to Valeria, provides new information regarding ethnic, political, and cultural elements in the province. The onomastic features suggest a strong Roman influence in naming practices, illustrating the spread of Roman identity in this region and its relation to the process of Romanization. The nature of the inscription, as suggested by its form and content, indicates a funerary function</em><em> – </em><em>most likely a family dedication on a grave stele. However, the possibility of a religious or honorific context, while less probable, cannot be definitively excluded. Although the available evidence does not permit precise dating, the style of the engraved letters, the formulation of the text, and the broader epigraphic trends in Ulpiana suggest a chronological placement between the 2<sup>nd</sup></em> <em>and 4<sup>th</sup></em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>centuries</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>CE. Importantly, the reuse of the inscription as</em> <em>spolia</em> <em>in the pavement of the city’s main street (cardo maximus) sheds light on cycles of destruction and rebuilding in Ulpiana, particularly after the major earthquake of 518</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>CE. This event, followed by the reconstruction initiatives under Emperor Justinian</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>I, reflects broader patterns of urban transformation in the Late Antique Balkans.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><strong><em>:</em></strong> <em>Ulpiana</em><em>, </em><em>epigraphic inscription</em><em>, </em><em>Roman Empire</em><em>, </em><em>city</em><em>, </em><em>local population</em><em>, </em><em>Late Antique</em></p> Ilir CULAJ Emine HAJDARI Milot BERISHA Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 8 16 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346029 COMPROMISE AGREEMENTS AS A TOOL FOR JUDICIAL PROCEEDINGS IN OLD POLISH-LITHUANIAN COMMONWEALTH (BASED ON JUDICIAL MATERIALS OF THE RUTHENIAN VOIVODESHIP IN THE 17th – 18th CENTURIES) http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346066 <p><strong><em>The purpose </em></strong><em>of the study</em><em> is</em> <em>t</em><em>o clarify the role and place of </em><em>compromise </em><em>agreements in the judicial system of </em><em>Old </em><em>Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. <strong>The research methodology</strong> is based on the principles of scientific historicism, the use of general scientific and highly specialized historical methods. <strong>Scientific novelty</strong></em> <em>consists in</em><em> a comprehensive analysis of the activities of </em><em>compromise </em><em>courts in the territory of the Ruthenian Voivodeship of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 17th – 18th centuries, as an integral part of judicial proceedings. The procedural aspect of the court's activities </em><em>h</em><em>as </em><em>been</em><em> reconstructed: composition, prerequisites for formation, topics of cases considered, etc. <strong>Conclusions</strong>. </em><em>C</em><em>ompromise agreements were widely used in </em><em>an </em><em>everyday legal practice of the Old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth </em><em>society </em><em>as a tool for resolving conflicts. The acts of the </em><em>hrodsky (magistrates') </em><em>and zemstvo courts contain hundreds of references and the agreements texts, </em><em>and it </em><em>testifies to their importance. The participants of </em><em>compromise</em><em> agreements were two parties who were on equal terms.</em> <em>Each of them was represented by the so-called “friend”, it could be one or several people. In the 18th century the board of friends was headed by a super-arbitrator. Also in the 18th century the </em><em>compromise </em><em>court could use the services of vozn</em><em>y</em><em> and other officials of local judicial and administrative institutions. </em><em>C</em><em>ompromise agreements could be concluded between the parties who were conducting legal proceedings in the existing permanent courts. They could equally be concluded at different stages: at the beginning of legal proceedings, at the end, etc. C</em><em>ompromise c</em><em>ourts covered a wide range of civil and criminal cases. Thus, they could make decisions that provided not only for material aspects, but also for imprisonment, deprivation of hono</em><em>u</em><em>r, etc.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong> <em>compromise</em> <em>courts, Ruthenian voivodeship, judicial proceedings of the Old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, </em><em>compromise</em> <em>agreements</em><em>, mediation</em><em>. </em></p> Roman PUYDA Serhii ZAVALNIUK Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 17 24 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346066 THE OTTOMAN-TURKISH VECTOR OF HETMAN IVAN VYHOVSKYI’S DIPLOMATIC ACTIVITY AND THE VICTORY IN THE MUSCOVITE–UKRAINIAN WAR OF 1657 – 1659 http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346069 <p><strong><em>The purpose of this study</em></strong><em> is to analyze the historical development of the foreign policy of the Ukrainian Cossack state, particularly during the rule of Hetman Ivan Vyhovskyi, which took place under conditions of internal political strife and Moscow’s aggression against Ukraine, especially in the context of fomenting civil war. Under these circumstances, the hetman not only established diplomatic relations with the Polish</em><em>-</em><em>Lithuanian Commonwealth, but also initiated </em><em>the </em><em>Black Sea vector of foreign relations to strengthen international support in resisting the aforementioned aggression. The study of Ukrainian and Turkish written sources and historiography, along with the objective interpretation of the information obtained regarding the stated issues, enables a thorough reconstruction of the course of Hetman Vyhovskyi’s foreign policy activities and the joint military campaign. In this context, particular attention is paid to the Ukrainian embassy to Bakhchysarai and the presence of a large diplomatic mission from the hetman to Ottoman </em><em>Türkiye</em><em>, which held strategic significance for the development of relations between these countries and reflected their mutual interest in deepening such ties. The circumstances resulting from Muscovite aggression brought to the fore the issue of implementing the terms of the agreements, especially the organization of a military campaign against the enemy. <strong>The research methodology</strong> is based on adherence to the principles of historicism and historical source studies, ensuring scholarly objectivity and concrete-historical systematization, as well as the principles of interdisciplinarity and the establishment of the reliability and informational value of the identified facts and data. <strong>The scientific novelty</strong> of the research </em><em>consists </em><em>in the civilizational interpretation of the historiosophy of relations between Cossack-Hetman Ukraine, the Polish</em><em>-</em><em>Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Crimean Khanate, and the Sublime Porte, aimed at the defense of Ukrainian lands in the context of state-building. It also lies in the application of the author's methodology for interpreting relevant historical events based on the available information, including Ottoman-Turkish written sources and historiography.</em> <strong><em>Conclusions.</em></strong> <em>In conclusion, the establishment of diplomatic relations between Hetmanate Ukraine and the Sublime Porte during the rule of Hetman Ivan Vyhovskyi was a prolonged but ultimately successful process. It is worth noting that Hetman Vyhovskyi, an alumnus of the Kyiv-Mohyla Collegium (now the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy), was a seasoned statesman who understood the necessity and strategic value of the </em><em>“</em><em>Turkish alternative</em><em>”</em><em> for the Cossack state, caught between the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Muscovite Tsardom, and the Crimean Khanate. He participated in negotiations on Ukraine’s behalf as part of a large diplomatic mission of approximately one hundred individuals, led by the Cossack Yarema Petranovskyi—evidence of the Hetmanate’s active foreign policy toward the Ottoman Empire.</em></p> <p><em>As a result of the Hetman government’s successful diplomatic efforts, treaties were concluded between the Ukrainian Cossack state, the Crimean Khanate, and the Ottoman Empire. Based on mutual agreement, a joint military campaign was launched to defend against Muscovite aggression, which proved extremely successful for the allies: the Muscovite army suffered a crushing defeat in the Konotop War, the fortress of Konotop was liberated, and another frontier fortress was retaken from Muscovite control.</em> <em>The strengthening of the Black Sea vector of Cossack diplomacy had strategic significance for the economic development of the Hetmanate. The preservation and continuation of this Black Sea orientation were evident in the foreign policy of Vyhovskyi’s successors and, in my view, remain a relevant historical factor today.</em> <em>It should also be emphasized that the preservation and development of a democratic system of governance, the status of the Ukrainian language as the official state language, and the principle that the administration of the state should be conducted by ethnic Ukrainians, were among the central priorities of Hetman Vyhovskyi’s domestic policy.</em> <em>In contrast, the foreign policy of the Muscovite Tsardom toward Ukraine was based on fomenting civil war within the Hetmanate and attempting to seize Ukrainian territory. It is evident to me that the Russian state continues to demonstrate the same approach toward Ukraine today, as evidenced by the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war, which began in 2014.</em></p> <p><strong>Key</strong> <strong>words</strong><em>: historical source, diplomacy, Hetman, Vyhovskyi, Bakhchysarai, Istanbul, treaty, Muscovite aggression, Konotop, Ukraine, victory, political language</em></p> Ferhad TURANLY Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 25 37 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346069 UKRAINIAN-ROMANIAN RELATIONS IN BUKOVYNA (THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19th – THE BEGINNING OF THE 20th CENTURY): STAGES, KEY PROBLEMS, SEARCHES OF A COMPROMISE http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346046 <p><strong><em>The purpose </em></strong><em>is to </em><em>study</em><em> the dynamics of </em><em>the</em><em> Ukrainian-Romanian relations in Bukov</em><em>y</em><em>na during the second half of the 19th and </em><em>the</em> <em>beginning</em> <em>of</em> <em>the</em><em> 20th centuries, to identify the most important issues around which competitive struggle took place, and to summarize the state of relations between the two peoples on the eve of World War </em><em>I</em><em>. </em><strong><em>The research methodology </em></strong><em>is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity, and the use of historical </em><em>and</em><em> genetic, historical </em><em>and</em><em> problematic methods.</em><em> The authors were guided by methodological approaches related to the study of interethnic relations in Central Europe in the second half of the 19th and </em><em>the</em> <em>beginning of the </em><em>20th centuries, and the processes of modern nations formation in this region. In particular, </em><em>the</em><em> Ukrainian-Romanian relations </em><em>have</em> <em>been</em> <em>studied</em><em> through the prism of theoretical constructs related to the history of multinational regions of Austria-Hungary, the peculiarities of the ethnopolitical situation in Bukov</em><em>y</em><em>na during the period</em><em> under analysis</em><em>. <strong>Scientific </strong></em><strong><em>N</em></strong><strong><em>ovelty.</em></strong><em> For the first time in Ukrainian historiography, a number of relations aspects between </em><em>the </em><em>Ukrainians and </em><em>the </em><em>Romanians in Bukov</em><em>y</em><em>na during the period </em><em>under analysis </em><em>have been analyzed</em> <em>comprehensively. </em><strong><em>Conclusions. </em></strong><em>The </em><em>Ukrainian-Romanian relations in Bukov</em><em>y</em><em>na went through several stages in the second half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. At the beginning, there was a significant advantage of the Romanians due to the presence of such an influential force as large landowners. The first period from the middle of the century to the end of the 80s was marked by the absence of Ukrainian deputies in </em><em>the </em><em>Bukov</em><em>y</em><em>na Sejm and the Austrian parliament, and isolated attempts by </em><em>the </em><em>Ukrainians to defend their interests. The second period covers the period from the 90s of the 19th century to the beginning of the 20th century. At th</em><em>at</em><em> time, </em><em>the </em><em>Ukrainians were able to elect nationally conscious deputies to </em><em>the </em><em>Bukov</em><em>y</em><em>na Sejm. The main struggle was transferred to the walls of the highest representative body of the region. However, at this time a split occurred among </em><em>the </em><em>Ukrainian deputies, which significantly weakened the ability to defend national interests. The third period covers the time from 1902 </em><em>–</em><em> 1903 to the beginning of World War </em><em>I</em><em>. At this stage, </em><em>the </em><em>Ukrainian-Romanian relations mostly concerned </em><em>the </em><em>issues of reforming social relations in the region, changing the electoral law for the Sejm and rural communities, establishing parity in the Orthodox Church, etc. The activity and organization of </em><em>the</em><em> Ukrainians increased significantly, which contributed to the strengthening of their positions in the Ukrainian-Romanian rivalry. On the eve of World War I, parity was achieved in influence over most decisions concerning public issues. Although in some cases the disputes became quite acute, both peoples had a desire to resolve interethnic problems by using constitutional methods, discussions in </em><em>the </em><em>Bukov</em><em>y</em><em>na Sejm, in the columns of newspapers, or by appealing to various levels of government or judicial institutions. This distinguished Bukov</em><em>y</em><em>na from some other crown lands of Austria-Hungary, where interethnic relations went beyond legal actions. Not all problems in </em><em>the</em><em> Ukrainian-Romanian relations were resolved properly, but progress was obvious, valuable experience was accumulated in approaches to resolving interethnic problems within the framework of existing legislation, which has not lost its significance even today.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Key</em></strong> <strong><em>words: </em></strong><em>Bukov</em><em>y</em><em>na, Austrian Empire, Austria-Hungary, Ukrainian-Romanian relations, interethnic struggle, A. Onc</em><em>i</em><em>ul, M. Vasylko.</em></p> Oleksandr DOBRZHANSKYI Lyudmila STRILCHUK Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 38 49 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346046 SANITARY AND EPIDEMIOLOGICAL CONDITION OF FRONTLINE CITIES OF VOLHYN PROVINCE IN 1914 – 1918 http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346045 <p><strong><em>The purpose </em></strong><em>of the article is to research the problem of the sanitary and epidemiological state of frontline cities and towns under wartime conditions.<strong> The research methodology </strong>is based on the principles of objectivity, historicism, problematic and systematic approach and includes historical and comparative, statistical methods, as well as the method of critical analysis. <strong>Scientific Novelty.</strong> A systematic analysis of the sanitary and epidemiological situation of the county towns of Volhyn province on the eve and during World War I has been carried out; the influence of military factors on the general sanitary and epidemiological situation of the western districts of Volhyn province has been elucidated; the functioning of the sanitary and epidemiological control system at the level of state authorities, local self-government, and temporary military administrations has been highlighted; new archival materials have been introduced into scientific circulation. <strong>Conclusions</strong>. The rapid development of socio-economic processes in the late 19th and early 20th centuries led to significant changes in the ensuring the vitality of towns. In the context of rapid population growth, modernization of the urban economy, and changes in urban lifestyles, there was an urgent need to establish an effective system of sanitary and epidemiological support and control. The effectiveness and dynamics of changes in this area were determined by both European trends and the peculiarities of traditions and technological and financial capabilities. The pace of adaptation of the system of sanitary and epidemiological control and provision of district towns in Volhyn significantly lagged behind not only the best European but also the all-Russian practice. The consequences of this lag were acutely evident during the war years, when Volhyn frontline towns began to receive a large number of refugees and military personnel, and the level of financing for the sphere of urban life support decreased.</em></p> <p><em>The significant quality deterioration of social and everyday sphere of the frontline towns was also caused by the destruction of infrastructure facilities and residential buildings, excessive concentration of residents in surviving buildings, etc. The lack of water supply and sewage system, the use of river water by the townspeople for personal everyday use, the concentration of excessive amounts of household waste in the cities and towns became a catalyst for the spread of unsanitary conditions and epidemics. A significant deterioration of the sanitary and epidemiological situation had been observed since 1915 and reached its peak in the winter of 1917/1918, which led to the spread of epidemics, in particular, typhus in 1918</em><em>.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Key words</em></strong><em>: sanitary and epidemiological situation, sanitation, epidemic diseases, medical infrastructure, frontline cities, World War I, Volhyn province.</em></p> Vasyl DENYSIUK Anatolii SHVAB Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 50 61 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346045 RUSSIAN OCCUPATION OF EASTERN GALICIA: REPRESENTATION OF THE EVENTS OF 1914 – 1915 IN THE VIENNESE GERMAN-LANGUAGE PRESS http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346055 <p><strong><em>The purpose</em></strong><em> of the study is to elucidate the coverage of the Russian occupation of Eastern Galicia in the German-language press of Vienna in 1914</em> <em>–</em> <em>1915, in particular the Ukrainian publications focused on the German-speaking reader, to analyze the topics of the publications, the main narratives and means of influencing European public opinion, and to identify historical parallels with Russia's modern war against Ukraine. <strong>The research methodology </strong>is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and systematicity and an interdisciplinary approach that combines press analysis, systematic and critical analysis of the source database, as well as content and comparative analysis of the press information mass. <strong>The</strong> <strong>scientific novelty </strong>of the study consists in the introduction of little-known materials of the Viennese German-language press in 1914</em> <em>–</em> <em>1915 into circulation, including the Ukrainian German-language press “Ukrainisches Korrespondenzblatt” (UK) and “Ukrainische Nachrichten” (UN), which covered events in Eastern Galicia occupied by Russia. For the first time in Ukrainian science, the issue has been analyzed how the Austrian and Ukrainian publicists (in the German-speaking world) interpreted the actions of the Russian occupation authorities not only as a military intervention, but also as a form of humanitarian aggression against the Ukrainian population. <strong>The relevance</strong> of the topic is due to historical parallels with the modern Russo-Ukrainian war, in particular the repetition of imperial practices, propaganda approaches, and the struggle to preserve the Ukrainian identity, as well as the lack of research on this issue based on the Ukrainian German-language press of Vienna during World War I. <strong>Conclusions. </strong>The content study of the Austrian and Ukrainian German-language press in Vienna at the beginning of World War I, namely the influential Austrian newspapers “Reichspost”, “Neue Freie Presse”, “Arbeiter-Zeitung” and the Ukrainian press “Ukrainische Nachrichten” and “Ukrainisches Korrespondenzblatt”, has shown that they covered the events of the Russian occupation of Eastern Galicia thoroughly carefully. The headlines of the publications have been analyzed, and the main journalistic narratives have been identified. Chief focus was on the attempts of the Ukrainian intelligentsia, through the Ukrainian German-language press, to convey the truth about repressions, the policy of Russification, and humanitarian aggression against the Ukrainians to the Western reader. Certain differences in tone, emphasis, and political approach to the humanitarian component of the conflict have been identified. The Austrian press mostly remained within the general war narrative, without focusing purposefully on the persecution of the Ukrainians as an ethnic group or a separate political group. The analysis of the German-language press in Vienna during the Russian occupation of Eastern Galicia in 1914</em> <em>–</em> <em>1915 enables us to draw clear historical parallels with Russia's modern war against Ukraine.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Key words: </em></strong><em>Viennese German-language press, Ukrainian German-language press, “Ukrainische Nachrichten”, “Ukrainisches Korrespondenzblatt”, Russian occupation, Eastern Galicia.</em></p> Nadiia KULESHA Mykola POSIVNYCH Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 62 73 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346055 REGIONALISM AS A COMPONENT OF THE POLISH NATIONAL POLICY IN INTER-WAR VOLHYNIA http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346042 <p><strong><em>The p</em></strong><strong><em>urpose</em></strong><em> of the</em><em> research is to</em><em> highlight the essence and forms of regionalism as a defining component of </em><em>the </em><em>Polish national policy towards the Ukrainian population of Western Volyn. The</em><em> focus has been on the made </em><em>attempts </em><em>in order </em><em>to implement the “Vol</em><em>h</em><em>yn</em><em>ia</em><em> program” in 1928</em> <em>–</em> <em>1938, </em><em>there has been </em><em>analyze</em><em>d</em><em> its content and the reaction of </em><em>the </em><em>Ukrainian and Polish societies to it. It </em><em>has been</em><em> proven that the policy of regionalism aimed </em><em>a</em><em>t weaken</em><em>ing</em><em> the unity of the Ukrainian national movement and accelerate the integration of Western Ukrainian lands into the Polish state.</em> <strong><em>The methodology </em></strong><strong><em>of the </em></strong><strong><em>research</em></strong><em> is based on analytical, chronological methods, structured and critical approaches, which allowed us to consider the content and consequences of regionalism as a defining feature of</em><em> the</em><em> Polish national policy towards the Western Ukrainian community. <strong>The scientific novelty</strong> of the article </em><em>consists</em><em> in the fact that documents and interwar periodicals </em><em>have been </em><em>found and studied, which </em><em>enabled </em><em>us to show theoretical differences in attitudes towards the policy of regionalism in Vol</em><em>h</em><em>yn</em><em>ia</em><em>, in particular regarding the idea of the </em><em>“</em><em>Sokal border</em><em>”</em><em>, as well as to prove that attempts to divide </em><em>the </em><em>Ukrainian society became dominant in the implementation of the national policy of </em><em>the </em><em>Polish governments </em><em>during </em><em>the interwar period.</em> <strong><em>Conclusions.</em></strong><em> An essential factor in the Polish national policy of the interwar period was the attempt to split the Ukrainian community into separate parts and pit them against each other. The</em><em>re were</em><em> laid foundations of the regionalism policy in 1923 aim</em><em>ed</em> <em>at</em><em> accelerating the integration of </em><em>the </em><em>non-Polish national groups into the state structure of Poland</em><em>. In of spite of the numerous</em><em> tactical approaches to resolving the national </em><em>issue</em><em>, the strategic goal of all Polish governments of the interwar period </em><em>was focused on the</em><em> close incorporation of the territories into Poland</em><em>,</em><em> where </em><em>the </em><em>national groups lived. The idea of regionalism played a decisive role in </em><em>i</em><em>t. The</em><em>re</em><em> was “Volyn experiment” </em><em>carried</em> <em>out</em> <em>by</em><em> Voivode Henryk J</em><em>ó</em><em>zewski, </em><em>was</em> <em>the</em><em> apogee of the regionalism policy in Volyn, which envisaged changes in all spheres of life in the voivodeship with an emphasis on ensuring </em><em>the</em><em> Ukrainian-Polish coexistence and cooperation. The essential thesis of the “Vol</em><em>h</em><em>yn</em><em>ia</em><em> policy” was the idea of the “Sokal border”.</em><em> It was created with the aim of separating Western Ukrainian lands and isolating Volhynia from the influence of Galicia, which was entirely in line with the policy of regionalism. This program was supported by a group of former UNR figures, who settled in Volhynia as political emigrants. At the same time, the Ukrainian political and public figures in Galicia opposed it</em><em>. </em><em>Despite criticism from some Polish intellectuals and the offers to abolish the “Sokal border” and fight for psychological rapprochement between Eastern Galicia and Volhynia, the idea of regionalism was not subject to revision. In general, the national policy of governments aimed at stabilizing relations with the Ukrainian population could be implemented only on condition that Poland’s state interests, among which was regionalism, were preserved.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> national policy, Poland, Volhynia, regionalism, “Volyn experiment”, “Sokal border”.</em></p> Ruslana DAVYDIUK Svitlana SHULGA Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 74 85 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346042 FEATURES AND CONDITIONS OF CROSSING THE CUSTOMS BORDER BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND AND THE FREE CITY OF GDAŃSK IN THE INTERWAR PERIOD http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346049 <p><em>In the interwar period, the customs border between the Republic of Poland and the Free City of Gdańsk was an important element of trade, economic and political relations between the two sides. <strong>The features of its crossing</strong> were determined by international treaties, economic interests and tensions in relations between Poland and Gdańsk, which had the status of a free city under the auspices of the League of Nations. <strong>The purpose </strong>is to study the features and conditions of crossing the customs border between the Republic of Poland and the Free City of Gdańsk in the interwar period. The study is aimed at identifying legal, economic and political factors that influenced the customs regime, as well as </em><em>evaluating its role in relations between the two sides. <strong>The research methodology</strong> is based on a comprehensive approach, which includes the analysis of regulatory legal acts, international agreements and archival documents that regulated the customs regime between the Republic of Poland and the Free City of Gdańsk in the interwar period. The main research methods are historical and legal, comparative and systemic</em><em> ones. <strong>The scientific novelty</strong> of the study с</em><em>onsists in the comprehensive analysis of the features and conditions of crossing the customs border between the Republic of Poland and the Free City of Gdańsk in the interwar period, which still remains an understudied topic in historical science. The authors analyzed the specific customs procedures that operated between Poland and Gdańsk in the context of the international legal status of the free city. The influence of political and economic relations between the parties on the change in the customs regime </em><em>has </em><em>been studied. The role of the customs border as a factor of international tension and conflicts between Poland and the Free City of Gdańsk </em><em>has </em><em>been a</em><em>nalzyed. <strong>Conclusions.</strong> It </em><em>has </em><em>been determined that the customs border between the Republic of Poland and Gdańsk in the interwar period played a key role in the trade, economic and political relations of the two sides, </em><em>and was regulated by international treaties that determined the special status of the free city. Poland received certain customs privileges, in particular the right to control the port infrastructure, which caused difficult relations with local authorities. Despite the contradictions, the customs border contributed to the development of trade between Poland, Gdańsk and other countries. The regulation of border crossings had a significant impact on the residents of both sides. </em><em>The Polish citizens and residents of Gdańsk had to comply with special customs regulations. The study of the customs border between Poland and Gdańsk allows us to better understand not only the peculiarities of trade and economic policy between the two sides, but also the general trends in the field of customs in the interwar period.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> Republic of Poland, Free City of Gdańsk, interwar period, customs border, customs control, duties, excise duty.</em></p> Ivan ZULYAK Tatyana LAVRIN Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 86 96 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346049 MYRON KORDUBA’S COOPERATION WITH POLISH PERIODICALS DURING THE INTER-WAR PERIOD: SOCIO-POLITICAL DISCOURSE http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346035 <p><strong><em>The purpose </em></strong><em>of the study is to attempt a holistic understanding of the socio-political issues brought to light by M. Korduba in the columns of Polish magazines </em><em>during </em><em>the interwar period.</em> <strong><em>The research methodology</em></strong><em> is based on the traditional for historiography combination of principles and general scientific (comparison, generalization, analysis and synthesis)</em><em>,</em><em> special</em><em> and </em><em>historical (historical</em><em> and </em><em>genetic, historical</em><em> and </em><em>comparative, historical</em><em> and </em><em>typological</em><em>, </em><em>historical</em><em> and </em><em>psychological) methods of </em><em>research</em><em>. </em><strong><em>The s</em></strong><strong><em>cientific novelty</em></strong><em> of the article</em><em> is</em><em> based on a wide range of sources to </em><em>elucidate </em><em>the features of M. Korduba’s cooperation with the Polish press </em><em>in </em><em>the Second Polish</em><em> Republic</em><em>.</em> <strong><em>Conclusions. </em></strong><em>In conclusion, </em><em>it should be noted </em><em>that M.</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>Korduba's cooperation with Polish magazines in the interwar twenties was due to the need to convey to the new owners of the Galician lands the Ukrainian vision of many problems of interethnic coexistence, which, as a result of ill-considered state policy, took on threatening forms.</em> <em>With </em><em>a </em><em>considerable tact and proper historical reasoning, the sc</em><em>holar </em><em>deconstructed the myths prevalent in </em><em>the </em><em>Polish journalism of the people's democratic camp about </em><em>the </em><em>Ukrainians as an ethnic community that never became a nation, and therefore must come to terms with its stateless status. Rejecting such a vision, M.</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>Korduba emotionally insisted on the unconditional right of representatives of the largest national minority of the Second Polish Republic to have state-funded native-language schooling at all levels, public institutions free from police surveillance, and </em><em>the </em><em>press free from censorship. The historian also pointed out the danger of Polish officials fostering a “war psychosis” among their community, which forced them to see a fellow citizen of a different nationality as an enemy. </em><em>T</em><em>he sc</em><em>holar </em><em>emphasized </em><em>that o</em><em>vercoming these relics of the Polish-Ukrainian war</em> <em>should create </em><em>the </em><em>basis for establishing </em><em>an </em><em>inter-neighbo</em><em>u</em><em>rly dialogue, and thus the emergence of a civil society united by common values. </em><em>I</em><em>nsightfully M.</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>Korduba predicted that only under such conditions </em><em>the </em><em>Polish statehood would have a chance to exist between the German and Soviet totalitarian regimes. As we know, the calls of the sc</em><em>holar</em><em> and his like-minded people were not heard, </em><em>and</em> <em>it</em> <em>caused</em><em> tragic consequences for our peoples during the years of world confrontation.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Key</em></strong> <strong><em>words:</em></strong><em> M. Korduba, socio-political journalism, Polish-Ukrainian relations, interethnic understanding, polemic.</em></p> Taras BATIUK Vitaliy DERKACH Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 97 106 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346035 LEGAL STATUS OF TEACHERS AND THEIR ROLE IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF POLISH EDUCATIONAL POLICY IN VOLYN VOIVODESHIP DURING THE INTERWAR PERIOD http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346058 <p><strong><em>The purpose of the research</em></strong><em> is to analyse the main responsibilities of teachers in the field of education and upbringing of local schoolchildren, to outline the legal status of educators in accordance with the legislation of interwar Poland, to characterise their place and role in the state policy of that time, to present the activities of the Union of Polish Teachers in Volyn Voivodeship and its impact on the educational development and pedagogical thought in the region. <strong>The methodology of the research </strong>is based on analytical, comparative, historical, statistical, problematic, chronological methods.<strong> The Scientific Novelty</strong> of the article consists in the fact that it was possible to reveal the peculiarities of the legal status of teachers in Volyn Voivodeship during the interwar period for the first time, based on previously unknown archival documents, government decrees, school legislation, as well as the works of Ukrainian and foreign historiography. The role of teachers in the implementation of state policy has been clarified, and discrimination against teachers of Ukrainian nationality in the provision of social guarantees and material support has been demonstrated. <strong>Conclusions.</strong> The restored Second Polish Republic tried to spread a unified system of education throughout all the annexed voivodeships, including Volyn. Due to teachers’ work, it was possible to implement the above-mentioned task. The functioning of the educational mechanism at all levels of schooling depended primarily on them. Consequently, the teachers were appointed primarily as representatives of the Polish nationality. Teachers were closely monitored by the educational administration and had to perform burdensome reporting work. The shortage of teachers was perhaps the biggest issue in the educational activities of interwar Poland, especially in the eastern Voivodeships. The Polish Teachers’ Union played an important role in raising the profile of teachers and improving their financial situation. The organisation tried to make the teaching profession democratic, independent of excessive interference from school inspectors and supervisors. </em></p> <p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> teachers, interwar period, Second Polish Republic, Volyn Voivodeship, education system, Polish teachers’ union. </em></p> Andrii SMYRNOV Roksolana MAZUROK Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 107 116 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346058 THE UKRAINIAN COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT REVIVAL IN EASTERN GALICIA IN THE 1920s (BASED ON THE MATERIALS OF THE NEWSPAPER “DILO”) http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346060 <p><strong><em>The purpose of the research</em></strong><em> is to analyse the revival of the Ukrainian cooperative movement at the beginning of the 20s in the 20th century based on the publications of the daily Ukrainian periodical “Dilo”. </em><strong><em>The methodology of the research</em></strong><em> is based on the generally recogni</em><em>s</em><em>ed principles of historicism, scientificity, authorial objectivity, </em><em>and </em><em>the use of source research methods, in particular, the method of internal criticism of sources.</em><em> <strong>The scientific novelty </strong>consists in the analysis of publications in the daily periodical “Dilo” by participants in the cooperative movement regarding the formation and development of the Ukrainian cooperation after the final annexation of Eastern Galicia to Poland, the prospects and ways of its progress in the 20</em><em>–</em><em>30s of the 20th century.</em><strong><em> Conclusions.</em></strong><em> On the pages of the daily Ukrainian periodical “Dilo” there were published articles on the activities of cooperative associations in Eastern Galicia in the early 1920s. The Ukrainian cooperator A. Havrylko was a regular contributor. In his publications, he analyzed the reasons for the failures of the cooperative movement, pointed out the shortcomings of the leadership, criticized the economic policy of the Polish government, and identified ways to solve these isues. One of his main tasks was to conduct educational work among the population: to publish popular cooperative literature, specialized magazines, conduct courses, lectures, and conferences. The publication covered the activities of the Povit Association of Cooperatives, the People’s Trade, and the Rural Landlord, which were intended to contribute to the growth of the Ukrainian peasantry welfare and its cultural level by improving agricultural culture of its members, uniting them in agricultural cooperatives, and preserving their economic interests. All authors emphasized that it was the cooperative movement that protected the Ukrainian peasants from exploitation by the Polish government and brought our nation closer to economic self-sufficiency. It is economic self-sufficiency that is a prerequisite for political independence.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> cooperative movement, “Dilo”, Eastern Galicia, Rural Farmer, Povit Association of Cooperatives, People’s Trade.</em></p> Oksana MEDVID’ Ruslana POPP Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 117 128 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346060 “ITALIAN SCANDALS” IN ODESA (ON THE HISTORY OF THE ITALIAN CONSULATE GENERAL ACTIVITIES IN ODESA IN 1924 – 1929) http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346039 <p><strong><em>The purpose of this article </em></strong><em>is to analyse the Italian Consulate General activities in Odesa in 1924</em> <em>–</em> <em>1929, as well as to examine the methods of work of the United State Political Administration, the Main Intelligence Administration, the Comintern, MODR in forming the Soviet agent network of the ‘Italian direction’ in Odesa.<strong> The research methodology </strong>is based on a comprehensive approach, which is founded on the principles of historicism, scientific rigour, analysis, synthesis, generalisation, and prosopographic methods. Firstly,<strong> the scientific novelty </strong>of the article consists in reconstructing the overall picture of the consular office establishment, its staff, functions and daily activities; secondly, in highlighting the dramatic events and political scandals associated with the Italian Consulate General in Odesa in 1924</em> <em>–</em> <em>1929.<strong> Conclusions. </strong>In the 1920s the Soviet-Italian relations were shaped by a contradictory combination of economic pragmatism and ideological confrontation. Italy was one of the first major European powers to recognise the USSR, which opened up opportunities for active trade and cooperation in the field of transport and maritime shipping. For the Soviet leadership, these ties had a dual purpose: to meet the country's economic needs and, at the same time, to use diplomatic channels as a cover for the activities of an agent network aimed at supporting the ‘world revolution’, especially in Italy, where revolutionary sentiments after World War I were still quite strong. In response, Italian diplomatic missions in the USSR, in particular the Consulate General of Italy in Odesa, were actively involved not only in routine consular affairs, but also in counterintelligence. Their efforts were aimed at countering the spread of Soviet propaganda among Italian sailors and political emigrants, monitoring visits to the Interclub, and protecting Italy's national interests in the Soviet environment. The so-called ‘Italian scandals’ are indicative in this context: tragic events such as the murder of Italian Vice-Consul S.</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>Cozzio, or numerous conflicts surrounding Odesa Interclub, which show that behind official diplomatic cooperation there was a tense struggle between two totalitarian regimes – Bolshevik and Fascist. This struggle had not only a local but also an international dimension, as it reflected the clash of two ideological projects – communist and fascist – for influence in Europe in the interwar period.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Keywords: </em></strong><em>Italy, USSR, Ukrainian SSR, Odesa, Consulate General, Interclub, agents.</em></p> Liudmyla VOVCHUK Viktor SAVCHENKO Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 129 141 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346039 WEHRMACHT BROTHELS IN THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES OF UKRAINE AS A COMPONENT OF NAZI SEXUAL VIOLENCE http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346040 <p><strong><em>The purpose </em></strong><em>is to </em><em>study</em><em>, through the prism of the functioning of the Wehrmacht brothel system in Ukraine, one of the methods of violence regulated by the Nazi state </em><em>–</em><em> sexual</em><em>;</em> <em>t</em><em>o determine the number of brothels </em><em>established</em><em> by the Nazis in the occupied Ukrainian lands</em><em>;</em><em> to analyze the reasons and problems during their organization and </em><em>a </em><em>forced </em><em>recruitment of the </em><em>Ukrainian </em><em>women</em><em>.</em><em> <strong>The research methodology</strong> is based on theoretical developments of scientific schools of social history and psychology, military anthropology, and gender studies. </em><em>In</em> <em>t</em><em>he article general scientific methods of fundamental studies, as well as methods of historicism, source studies, and interdisciplinary approaches </em><em>have</em> <em>been</em> <em>applied. </em><strong><em>The scientific novelty</em></strong> <em>consists</em><em> in the formulation of the above </em><em>mentioned</em><em> problem, an attempt to find its specific historical solution based on the information discovered by the author about more than three dozen brothels </em><em>established</em><em> by the Wehrmacht in the occupied territories of Ukraine in 1941</em> <em>–</em> <em>1944, and at least 2.3 thousand Ukrainian women forcibly recruited for work. <strong>Conclusions</strong>. It </em><em>h</em><em>as </em><em>been</em><em> found </em><em>out</em><em> that the rapid growth of uncontrolled intimate relationships </em><em>among the</em><em> German soldiers and local women, prohibited by the racial dogmas of Nazi Germany, as well as the spread of venereal diseases forced the occupiers to </em><em>establish</em><em> a number of stationary brothels for Wehrmacht soldiers and the German civil administration in early 1942.</em> <em>These institutions, according to the command's plan, were to help the Third Reich prevent chaotic sexual contacts with local women, prevent the spread of venereal diseases, sexual violence, deterioration of discipline in the army, and homosexual relations </em><em>among </em><em>servicemen. Local women and girls were usually forcibly recruited to work in rear brothels. </em></p> <p><strong><em>Key</em></strong> <strong><em>words: </em></strong><em>Ukraine, Germany, occupation, sexual violence, Wehrmacht, German soldiers, brothels, women.</em></p> <p><em>&nbsp;</em></p> Volodymyr GINDA Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 142 154 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346040 REPRESSIONS OF THE GERMAN OCCUPATION REGIME AGAINST THE OUN IN DONETSK REGION (1941 – 1944) http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346347 <p><em>The</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>article</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>is</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>devoted</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>to</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>repressive</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>activities</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>German</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>punitive</em>&nbsp;<em>bodies</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>against</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>members</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em> OUN </em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>Donetsk</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>region</em><em> (</em><em>Stalin</em><em>e</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>region</em><em>), </em><em>which</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>continued</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>during</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>period</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>Germ</em><em>an</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>occupation</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>Donba</em><em>s</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>region </em><em>in</em><em> 1941</em><em> – </em><em>1943, </em><em>as</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>well</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>as</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>in </em><em>1944, </em><em>after</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>departure</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>part</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>Donetsk</em><em> OUN </em><em>members</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>to</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>western</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>regions</em><em>. </em><em><strong>The</strong></em><em><strong>&nbsp;</strong></em><em><strong>purpose</strong></em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>article</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>is</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>to</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>characterize</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>repressive</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>activities</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>German</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>authorities</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>relation</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>to</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em> OUN </em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>S</em><em>talin</em><em>e</em><em> (</em><em>Donetsk</em><em>) </em><em>region</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>194</em><em>1</em><em> – </em><em>1</em><em>944</em><em>. </em><em>In t</em><em>he</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>research</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the </em><em>methodological</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>techniques</em><em> have been applied</em><em>, </em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>list</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>which</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>includes</em><em>: </em><em>analysis</em><em>, </em><em>deduction</em><em>, </em><em>induction</em><em>, </em><em>synthesis</em><em>, </em><em>analogy</em><em>, </em><em>general</em><em>ization</em><em>, </em><em>as</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>well</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>as</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>comparative</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>historical</em><em>, </em><em>statistical</em><em>, </em><em>chronological</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>and</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>periodization</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>methods</em><em>, </em><em>which</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>enabled</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>us</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>to</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>process</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>available</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>source</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>base</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>and</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>historiography</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>and </em><em>based</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>on</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>data</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>obtained</em><em>, </em><em>to</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>describe</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>detail</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>stages</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>and</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>content</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>G</em><em>erman</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>repressions</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>against</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em> OUN </em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>D</em><em>onetsk</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>region</em><em>, </em><em>to</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>analyze </em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>course</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>events</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>a</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>chronological</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>order</em><em>, </em><em>to</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>identify</em><em> a </em><em>list</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>names</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>repressed</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>underground</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>members</em><em>, </em><em>and</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>to</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>conduct</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>final</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>statistical</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>calculations</em><em>.</em></p> <p><em><strong>The</strong></em><em><strong>&nbsp;</strong></em><em><strong>scientific</strong></em><em><strong>&nbsp;</strong></em><em><strong>novelty</strong></em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>publication</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>consists </em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>a</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>thorough</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>analysis</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>and</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>systematization</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>archival</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>document</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>data</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>and</em><em> a </em><em>critical</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>assessment</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>previous</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>research</em><em>.</em>&nbsp;<em>The</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>results</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>obtained</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>enable </em><em>us</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>to</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>distinguish</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>three</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>stages</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>German</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>political</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>police</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>repressive</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>activities</em><em>, </em><em>characterized</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>by</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>corresponding</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>indicators</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>number</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>arrested</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>members</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>nationalist</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>underground</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>S</em><em>talin</em><em>e</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>region</em><em>.</em>&nbsp;<em>The</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>article</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>provides</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>updated</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>statistical</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>information</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>on</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>number</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>arrested</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>underground</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>members</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>1941 – </em><em>1944, </em><em>which</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>corrects</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>previously</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>published</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>figures</em><em>, </em><em>as</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>well</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>as</em><em> a </em><em>list</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>names</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>currently</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>known</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>repressed</em><em> OUN </em><em>members</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>region</em><em>.</em>&nbsp;<em>The</em><em>re </em><em>have been </em><em>analyzed</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>consequences</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>repressive</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>measures</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>German</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>occupation</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>regime</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>aga</em><em>inst</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>Ukrainian</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>nationalists</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>D</em><em>onetsk</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>region</em><em>. </em><em>The</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>prospect</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>further</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>research</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>on</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>this</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>issue</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>is</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>rather</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>doubtful</em><em>, </em><em>given</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>physical</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>inaccessibility</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>archival</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>sources</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>occupied</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>territories</em><em>, </em><em>which</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>confirms</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>importance</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>this</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>study</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>and</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>its</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>practical</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>significance</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>in</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>supplementing</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>all-Ukrainian</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>picture</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>activities</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em> OUN </em><em>and</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>reactionary</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>actions</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>of</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>the</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>G</em><em>erman</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>authorities</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>towards</em><em>&nbsp;</em><em>it</em><em>.</em></p> <p><em><strong>Keywords:</strong></em><em> Eastern Ukraine, Donbas region, </em><em>Staline</em><em> (Donetsk) region, World War II, OUN, German occupation, repressions.</em></p> Ihor SOLIAR Lyudmila LYTVYNENKO-ANPILOVA Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 155 165 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346347 YUGOSLAV STATE INFLUENCE IN MEDIA: THE 1968 KOSOVO STUDENT UPRISING IN THE NEWSPAPER “RILINDJA” http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346065 <p><strong><em>The purpose</em></strong><em> is to do the research on how the students demonstrations were portrayed in the contemporary press in Kosovo, focusing specifically on the daily newspaper “Rilindja”, which was the most widely read Albanian-language newspaper in Kosovo at that time. A one-year period, from November 1968 to November 1969, has been selected as the research sample to study how “Rilindja”, reported on these significant developments that happened in Kosovo during that time.</em> <strong><em>The research methodology</em></strong><em> is based on the principles of historicism, scientificity, authorial objectivity, systematicity, as well as general scientific and special historical methods</em><em>.</em> <strong><em>The novelty of this research paper</em></strong><em> is that it is evident from these writings that the state exerted significant influence over the published articles, this can be seen in the labelling given to the organizers of these demonstrations. Even before the trial was held, the organizers were prejudiced as nationalists and accused of being influenced by external factors to orchestrate these demonstrations. Their actions were portrayed as attempts to undermine the unity and brotherhood within Yugoslavia. <strong>Conclusion</strong>. The analysis demonstrates how “Rilindja” served both as an informational outlet and as a tool of political influence, particularly in shaping public perception and maintaining communist control over youth and public discourse. Firstly, it is clear that “Rilindja’s” initial coverage of the November 27, 1968 demonstrations relied heavily on official sources, specifically the Communique of the Provincial Executive Council of Kosovo. This reliance indicates a lack of independent journalistic investigation, and instead suggests that the newspaper functioned as an amplifier of state narratives. More importantly, our research highlights that “Rilindja”, being the only Albanian-language daily newspaper in Kosovo at the time, adopted a distinctly biased stance. From November 1968 to May 1969, the newspaper acted as a mouthpiece for the communist leadership, publishing content aimed at discrediting the organizers and portraying the demonstrations as harmful, chauvinist, and even nationalist. The most telling aspect of “Rilindja’s” coverage lies in its strategy to isolate the organizers while seeking to "save" the participants. The idea was to portray the students as misled by a small group of agitators, thus justifying both the punishment of the leaders and the ideological re-education of the majority. In this sense, “Rilindja”served as a medium of indirect communication between the communist establishment and the protesting students.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> 1968 Demonstrations, Students, Rilindja, Kosovo, Yugoslavia.</em></p> Oktaj HASANI Bujar DUGOLLI Clirim DURO Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 166 178 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346065 VIDEO TESTIMONIES OF THE HOLOCAUST EYEWITNESSES IN THE REICHSKOMMISSARIAT “UKRAINE”: STRUCTURE, METHODOLOGY, POTENTIAL (ON THE EXAMPLE OF YAHAD-IN UNUM ARCHIVAL COLLECTION) http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346061 <p><strong><em>The purpose </em></strong><em>is to analyze the video testimonies of </em><em>the </em><em>Holocaust eyewitnesses in the Reichs</em><em>k</em><em>ommissariat </em><em>“</em><em>Ukraine</em><em>”</em><em> of the oral history collection of Yahad-In Unum (Paris, France). <strong>The methodology </strong></em><strong><em>of the </em></strong><strong><em>research</em></strong><em> is based on the principles of scientificity, historicism, problem</em> <em>historical methods, as well as methods of analysis and systematization. </em><em>There have been</em> <em>two methods of utmost </em><em>importan</em><em>ce</em> <em>to </em><em>our study</em><em>, in particular, the </em><em>historical</em> <em>typological method and the method of classification of sources. </em><em>Due to t</em><em>he</em><em> above-mentioned</em><em> methods</em><em>, it was possible to </em><em>identify the main thematic blocks of interviews and determine their potential for </em><em>the scholars, who dealt with</em><em> the history of the Holocaust. The oral history method </em><em>has </em><em>bec</em><em>o</em><em>me the leading one. </em><strong><em>S</em></strong><strong><em>cientific </em></strong><strong><em>N</em></strong><strong><em>ovelty</em></strong><em>. </em><em>There has been </em><em>devoted a separate </em><em>study on</em><em> the analysis of the Holocaust oral history sources </em><em>by</em><em> the scientific institution </em><em>“</em><em>Yahhad-In Unum</em><em>”</em><em> regarding the situation of </em><em>the </em><em>Jews in the Reichs</em><em>K</em><em>ommissariat </em><em>“</em><em>Ukraine</em><em>” for the first time in historiography</em><em>. </em><em>There has been</em><em> analyzed the Jews situation during the Holocaust</em><em> from the </em><em>non-Jewish testimonies perspective. </em><em>There</em><em> have been introduced </em><em>a</em><em> large number of unpublished oral sources into </em><em>the </em><em>scientific circulation.</em> <strong><em>Conclusions.</em></strong> <em>In the </em><em>article </em><em>t</em><em>he</em><em>re has been</em><em> analyze</em><em>d</em><em> the methodology, structure of the oral history collection of Yahad-In Unum interviews, and the potential of these sources </em><em>on the</em><em> Holocaust </em><em>study</em><em> in the Reich</em><em>sk</em><em>ommissariat </em><em>“</em><em>Ukraine</em><em>”. T</em><em>he sources</em><em> from the</em><em> non-Jewish perspective testimonies shed light on the details of the Jews situation, their death, and survival during the Holocaust</em><em>, which</em> <em>were</em><em> not found in other official sources. In addition, </em><em>there is the </em><em>information about other victims of the Nazis </em><em>– </em><em>mentally ill people, disabled children, and </em><em>the </em><em>Gypsies (</em><em>the </em><em>Roma)</em><em> in </em><em>the French institution sources</em><em>.</em> <em>The</em><em> above-mentioned</em><em> sources reflect the non-Jewish population involvement (</em><em>by </em><em>forc</em><em>e</em><em> and/or voluntarily) in </em><em>the </em><em>Nazi crimes </em><em>regarding “</em><em>the Jewish </em><em>issue</em><em> solution</em><em>”</em><em>, the trauma of the Holocaust, and commemoration/memorialization </em><em>during </em><em>the post-war period.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Key</em></strong> <strong><em>words:</em></strong><em> Yahad-In Unum, video testimony, oral history, Patrick Debois, Holocaust, Reic</em><em>hsk</em><em>ommissariat </em><em>“</em><em>Ukraine</em><em>”</em><em>, archival sources.</em></p> Roman MYKHALCHUK Roman SHLIAKHTYCH Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 179 191 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346061 IN SEARCH OF A MODEL: INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES OF UKRAINIAN SCHOLARS ON THE POLICY OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES AND THE USA IN THE SPHERE OF HIGHER EDUCATION (THE END OF THE 20th – THE BEGINNING OF THE 21st CENTURIES) http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346067 <p><strong><em>The </em></strong><strong><em>p</em></strong><strong><em>urpose </em></strong><em>of the </em><em>r</em><em>esearch </em><em>is</em><em> to carry out a synthesized analysis of studies by </em><em>the </em><em>Ukrainian sc</em><em>holars </em><em>that appeared </em><em>at the end of the </em><em>20th and </em><em>the beginning of the </em><em>21st centuries on the policies of European countries and the USA in the field of higher education. <strong>The research methodology</strong> consists of interdisciplinary methods of analyzing scientific sources </em><em>–</em><em> historiographic, comparative, historical</em><em> and </em><em>structural, periodization, historical actualization, monographic and selective analysis, knowledge system analysis, discourse analysis, elements of phenomenological and synergistic approaches. <strong>The scientific novelty</strong> of the study </em><em>consists</em><em> in the implementation of a comprehensive, substantive analysis of interdisciplinary </em><em>studies</em><em> by </em><em>the</em><em> Ukrainian sc</em><em>holars</em><em> on the </em><em>issue</em><em> of policy development in the field of higher education abroad. <strong>Conclusions.</strong> The analysis of the modern Ukrainian interdisciplinary discourse on the development of foreign policy in the field of higher education, carried out on the basis of the developed two-vector model, revealed the accumulation of a significant array of diverse </em><em>studies</em><em>, which collectively reflect the achievements and bottlenecks, gaps in the scientific understanding of the specified </em><em>issue</em><em>. </em><em>The</em> <em>analysis</em><em> of the dynamics of research through the prism of three specific periods of the historiographical process showed that after the appearance of the first studies in the second half of the 1990s, scientific interest in it in the quantitative dimension of s</em><em>tudies</em><em> reached its highest level in 2001/2 – 2007/8. In 2009 – 2015/16, the increase in the qualitative level of such research was reflected in the emergence of meaningful monographs, dissertations, and analytical articles.</em> <em>The multifaceted architectonics of the historiography of the </em><em>issue </em><em>under study found expression in the imposition of the complex dynamics of its development on the synergetic of interdisciplinary discourse, where the theories developed in the fields of philosophy and philosophy of education, public administration, political science, history, law, comparative pedagogy </em><em>and t</em><em>he methodological approaches intersected and synthesized in the study of foreign policy in the field of higher education in the Ukrainian-centric, Euro-integration, European, country studies, globalist, and comparative directions. </em></p> <p><strong><em>Key words: </em></strong><em>historiography, interdisciplinary discourse, foreign higher education, Central European countries, Eastern European countries.</em></p> Boris SAVCHUK Olha SNITOVSKA Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 192 206 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346067 SOURCE AND INFORMATION POTENTIAL OF SOCIAL NETWORKS ABOUT THE RUSSIAN WAR AGAINST UKRAINE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND CLASSIFICATION OF SOURCES http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346051 <p><strong><em>The purpose of the article</em></strong><em> is to determine the specifics of the information potential of social networks as a source complex in the history of the Russo-Ukrainian war </em><strong><em>and </em></strong><em>to outline the methodological principles of its analysis and classification. <strong>The research methodology </strong>is based on the principles of historicism, comprehensiveness, objectivity, and systemic and critical approaches. General scientific, historical, and source research methods have been used: analytical, synthetic, logical, typological, heuristic, historical and comparative. Content analysis, scientific sampling, retrospective and analytical monitoring of e-sources have been used to trace the content of various types of social networks about the Russian war against Ukraine. <strong>Scientific Novelty. </strong>The features and significance of the information potential of social networks as a system of specific digital sources for documenting and studying the history of the Russo-Ukrainian war have been clarified, and the methodology for their research and classification, source criticism, and determination of the information reliability have been substantiated. At the same time, the author points out the saturation of social networks with hostile and harmful disinformation, fakes, the Russian narratives, and Ukrainophobic posts. <strong>Conclusions</strong>. In the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine, along with the media, the role of social media in the media and information space has grown significantly, and their importance in documenting and interpreting events and facts has increased. They occupy a leading position in the electronic sector of the source base for both military and civilian history, which, in turn, presents new challenges for both traditional and digital source and archival studies. The analysis and ranking of social networks by their representativeness and place in the digital environment of Ukraine, the reliability of information, and their contribution to the formation of historical sources, as well as their classification, have shown the need for a critical attitude to the selection of information, examination of its authorship, motives for creation, completeness, reliability, objectivity, and scholarly value. Source studies of electronic evidence are intended to contribute to the understanding of the genocidal nature, cruelty, and destructive consequences of the Russian aggression and to expose and refute any attempts to justify it.</em></p> <p><strong><em>Key words: </em></strong><em>electronic source, social networks, Russo-Ukrainian war, information, research methodology, classification of e-sources. </em></p> Yaroslav KALAKURA Tetiana BILUSHCHAK Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 207 219 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346051 EDUCATION UNDER WAR CONDITIONS: A NEW STUDY OF UKRAINIAN SCHOLARS Review of the monograph: Ukrainian Education in the Flames of War / N. Nychkalo, O. Ovcharuk, V. Hordiyenko, I. Ivaniuk; ed. N. Nychkalo. Kyiv: LLC “Yurka Liubchenka”, 2024. 208 p. http://eehb.dspu.edu.ua/article/view/346068 <p>Review of the monograph: Ukrainian Education in the Flames of War / N.&nbsp;Nychkalo, O. Ovcharuk, V. Hordiyenko, I. Ivaniuk; ed. N. Nychkalo. Kyiv: LLC “Yurka Liubchenka”, 2024. 208 p.</p> Oleksandra SVIONTYK Mariana MARKOVA Copyright (c) 2025 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2025-12-26 2025-12-26 37 220 225 10.24919/2519-058X.37.346068